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Final Paper. I have attached the documents fixed the given comments on first drafts that is incomplete.

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Structuring a Scholarly Pape
In political science and other academic disciplines, research papers perform a singular task: to deliver a persuasive hypothesis and explanation for an important outcome, event, or puzzle. To that end, every section of your paper should be designed to facilitate this task.
Papers are their own worst enemies. Their structure too often obstructs rather than aids the reader’s comprehension of the central point. Typically, we face two problems in structuring long papers. First, we emulate the dense jargon that characterizes the scholarship we read. We conflate complex words and opaque structure with intellectual authority. Resist this temptation and use the simplest language possible to convey your point. Remember Howard Becker’s seminal lesson: “to overcome the academic prose you must first overcome the academic pose.”
Second, we attempt to squeeze too much into a paper. Even though a paper approaching 15-20 pages sounds daunting, the course of research often generates too much information. Sometimes, we want to include everything in the paper, to prove that we know our topic. Or, we inject so much flowery language that the text bursts at the seams! Do not fall into this trap: your reader only cares about the argument. Obey the page limit.
The Master Template: Four Sections
There is a very useful format for political science papers that you should know. Though different contexts may require minor alterations, consider this the dominant framework for structuring your paper. It applies to any paper considered “seminar length”—typically, 15 or more pages, and written as part of an intensive reading class (the logic behind Temple capstones, or any graduate class), or for publication in scholarly journals.
    I. Introduction. This is one of the most important parts of the paper. A confused reader     who cannot follow your lead will at worst quickly lose interest, and at best be less likely     to accept the main argument that follows. Thus, every introduction must have four parts.     For a paper of 15-20 pages, the introduction should be no more than 2 pages.
a) State the puzzle or question, and mention why it is significant. Typically, puzzles in political science are important because they have either theoretical or policy-oriented significance.
) Present the hypothesis/explanation, and justify why it is superior to competing arguments. Also discuss the importance of your case(s), and why they are worthy of investigation.
c) Establish the essence of the contribution: why does your work matter? What is the contribution to knowledge, and how do you shape how we think about the topic? Convince the audience that they should read the rest of the paper!
d) Road map. Preview the rest of the paper by
iefly discussing what each succeeding section holds. “First, I review the literature to show why my theoretical answer resolves the puzzle of… Second, I present my data and results, illustrating how this explanation unfolds… I conclude the paper by highlighting policy implications and…”
II. Literature Review and Theoretical Framework. Express the logic of your approach by first presenting your literature review. The literature review emerges as the first substantive section because by critically exposing gaps and flaws in the existing scholarship, you can set up your own argument and show how it adds to our knowledge and theories. This also means carefully explaining why rival explanations do not work, and why your own argument is necessary to move forward. For any paper of 15-20 pages, this section should be no more than 3-4 pages.
III. Cases and Explanation. This is the heart of the paper—the meat on the bones, the fuel for the fire. For any paper of 15-20 pages, this will require at least 8 pages. You may need to
eak up this large section into sub-sections; how you do so is up to you.
In this section, introduce the cases, and present your data in a concise way. Deliver only the information necessary for the explanation to succeed. Do not turn this section into an historical overview, a demonstration of intellectual mastery, or a moral argument. Instead, be as precise. Focus only on the people, events, and processes that play a central role. Discuss only the time period under review. Emphasize the link between cause and effect. Resist the urge to introduce extraneous footnotes and excessive information.
By the end of this core section, the reader should know precisely what your argument is—all the moving parts, all the vital information, and the reasons why your hypothesis is right or wrong.
IV. Conclusion. Remember that the conclusion is the last thing the reader will see. Here, restate the main point of the paper. Trace out its implications—how does it affect the way we understand a particular topic or subject? What was the point of the project? Should politicians and policymakers care; and if so, why and how? If you wish to make predictions about the future, do so here. For any paper close to 15-20 pages, the conclusion should be no more than 1.5 to 2 pages.
AI Usage
When writing your paper, AI-based tools are not very useful. You can prompt some platforms to generate long-form texts that stretch on for many pages, but if that artificial essay is not structured in the way described here – and more importantly, if it does not persuasively show evidence of your hard-earned research and analysis – then the resulting paper will fall flat.
They also cannot generate drafts that match the four-part structure of a political science research paper in a sensible way. (For instance, a section called “literature review” that actually does not review any literature using the approaches we have learned is not very useful.)
Nonetheless, remember that you are free to engage AI-based tools to continue
ainstorming, dialoguing, and experimenting with new ideas and sources. But they cannot write any part of the actual submitted text, as per class and university guidelines.

POLS 4896 Commentary on First Draft
Student: Sundhi Sehgal
Grade: 13/15
Following up with your proposal and annotated bibliography, this first draft represents a working foundation to the final paper. You are still researching the origins of the cu
ent conflict in Kashmir and, more
oadly, the reasons behind its stifled human rights situation and political development. This is good, measurable progress. You still have some work to do, but you’ve begun moving from
oad descriptive na
ative (which we do not want) to more focal, explanatory analysis—telling us not what Kashmir is but rather why it appears so political and economically frail. With a few more changes, this will be a good final paper.
Introduction and Literature Review
The introduction gives a decent overview of the puzzle and its significance. From here, I can see you’re focusing on the Jammu-Kashmir region, as well as the implications of this topic. Be sure to include a roadmap for the rest of the paper, however. In addition, you do not have to set aside the history of Kashmir separately; please include this in the next big section, the literature review.
The literature review is unfinished, partly because I think you are divide this 3-4 page section up into smaller sub-sections with their own headings. Don’t do this: instead, simply create a larger section entitled “Literature Review” and, from there, tie up the analysis you have into a few key segments based on the scholarship you are reading: the region’s history, then the theoretical framework, then the various factors like external mediation and insurgency that have shaped Kashmiri politics and conflict today.
In other words, you have all the right pieces of analysis, but like a jigsaw puzzle these must “fit” together in the right sequence and framework. Your final literature review section should include everything up until the cases/explanation section, and give the reader a good, grounded understanding of what scholars have been writing, researching, and debating regarding Kashmir.
Case and Explanation
This is the biggest and most important section. Again, it is unfinished, but there are positives to point out: you remind the reader about Kashmir’s historical background, and then suggest that issues involving local governance, human rights practices, and economic development matter the most in terms of its “complex dynamics.”
Keep going. I am sensing the major hurdle here, but not insurmountable, is the need to fully shift from pure description to analytical explanation. You write well, and our goal is to ensure that your writing feeds into an observational mode (in which you argue that Kashmir’s problems are complex) but rather an explanatory mode (in which you argue that the reasons for Kashmir’s problems rest in factors X, Y, and Z). This is very important change to make, because at times your writing still veers too much into an attempt to capture and describe what is happening on the ground (which is valuable, but not the purpose of this project), rather than an attempt to explain the underlying causes and origins of an ongoing outcome or phenomenon. This requires some more revision and rethinking on your part, but I am confident you can do this.
Some last general recommendations, on a more generic note: take care in not getting bogged down in excessive details, remember the academic source requirement (minimum: 8), and recall that the conclusion of the paper should have some “punch” to it. It should not only summarize the paper, but also tell the reader why explaining your puzzle has very
oad theoretical and empirical significance.
This is promising and ever-improving work—and I mean this. I look forward to reading the final product!

Sehgal 1
Sundhi Sehgal
Professor Yom
Nov 7, 2023
First Draft
Unraveling the Kashmir Conflict
Sehgal 2

For many years, the world has been captivated by the Kashmir dispute, a geopolitical
fight that is long-lasting and deeply ingrained. This long-running conflict, which is located in the
center of South Asia, involves a complex web of political dynamics, local, regional, and national
actors, and intricate governmental institutions. Beyond its physical borders, its effects are felt
throughout the region and have an impact on human rights and the economy of the area. This
preface lays the groundwork for a detailed analysis of these complex problems.
Known as "Paradise on Earth," Kashmir has a tu
ulent past filled with violent conflicts
etween communities, long-standing te
itorial claims, and a persistent struggle for independence
(Iqbal & Afridi). The area has borders with China, Pakistan, and India, placing it at a pivotal
juncture. Its distinctive location combined with a patchwork of cultural, religious, and ethnic
identities have made it a contentious focal point. The principal aim of this research is to decipher
the complex network of variables that have given rise to the cu
ent conflict and comprehend the
ways in which these elements have influenced human rights and economic growth in the area.
Historical Context
We need to look at the conflict's historical foundations in order to fully understand how
complicated it is. The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh,
existed as an independent unit within the British Raj prior to its 1947 admission to India. The
future of this princely kingdom became a point of concern throughout the period of India's
independence and the division that followed. A tribal assault from Pakistan had an impact on
Maharaja Hari Singh's decision to join India, which sparked the first Indo-Pakistani War in
Sehgal 3
Since then, the dispute has developed into a lengthy battle in which both India and
Pakistan contend to be the rightful owners of the entirety of Jammu and Kashmir (Balcerowicz,
Piotr & Agnieszka Kuszewska). As a result, there is now a de facto split, with Pakistan in charge
of Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan and India in charge of the Union Te
itories of
Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh. The problem is further complicated by the fact that China also
owns a portion of the area in Aksai Chin.
Theoretical Framework
In understanding the Kashmir conflict, we will employ a theoretical framework drawing
from several key concepts:
Ø The concept of self-determination holds significant importance in the matter of Kashmir.
One of the key causes of the conflict continues to be the Kashmiri people's desires for
autonomy and the freedom to choose their own political status.
Ø Geopolitics: The area is significantly impacted by the geopolitical interests of India and
Pakistan in particular (Bhatnagar, Stuti & Priya Chacko). The conflict's trajectory is
influenced by the larger power dynamics inside and outside of the South Asian area.
Ø Separatist Movements and Militancy: The conflict has become more complex due to the
existence of separatist movements and militant organizations in the area. These groups'
eliefs, drives, and strategies greatly influence the state of affairs.
Ø The settlement process has been enriched with opportunities and problems due to the
engagement of multinational entities, such as the United States and the United
Answered 5 days After Nov 20, 2023


Bidusha answered on Nov 25 2023
20 Votes
Last Name:    1
Title: Unravelling the Kashmir Conflict
Introduction    4
Background    5
Literature review    11
Case explanation    17
Conclusion    20
Work Cited    21
    “Kashmir is a garden of eternal spring, a delightful flower-bed, and a heart-expanding heritage for dervishes. Its pleasant meads and enchanting cascades are beyond all description. There are running streams and fountains beyond count. Wherever the eye reaches, there is verdure and running water. The red rose, the violet, and the narcissus grow of themselves; in the fields there are all kinds of flowers and all sorts of sweet-scented he
s more than can be counted,” Jahangir wrote. Kashmir is “a region of stupendous mountains surprises every other in the world” to Younghusband, “the te
estrial paradise of the Indies” to Bernier, a “picture of incredible beauty with its distant features half revealed half concealed by magic mist” to Walter Lawrance. Nehru observes: “It has a hundred faces and innumerable aspects, ever-changing, sometimes smiling, sometimes sad and full of so
ow.” Notwithstanding, it is with extraordinary misery that one of the world's most established and longest-enduring wars is at present occu
ing in Kashmir, the heaven on the planet.
The contention among India and Pakistan over Kashmir has plunged into a weapons contest and bloodshed that goes on and on forever. Since the two nations attest their power over Kashmir or allude to it as the Kashmiri public's all in all co
ect to self-assurance, no a
angement has had the option to be accomplished on the issue. As to issue, question and enmity proceed to develop, and an extended, low-force war is one way that they show up. The war in Kashmir is recognized to affect South Asia's security. Also, it is the greatest ba
ier forestalling the South Asian Relationship for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) from achieving its targets. The nuclearization of South Asia is fundamentally its shortcoming. Many compare the Kashmir issue to a delayed bomb, the explosion of which could make the occupants of this district get through an unending measure of so
ow and languishing. Various advances have been attempted in the past by Pakistan and India, as well as by the international community, to end this extended struggle, however little advancement has been reached.
International consideration has been attracted to the security ramifications of the war because of the a
upt expansion in cross-line terminating among India and Pakistan in May 1999 and the battling between Indian fighters and te
orists who had gotten over from Pakistan. However it is once in a while dismissed, the example of predictable
eaks of human rights by all gatherings in Kashmir has been a significant contributing reason to the conflict. There might have been less possibility of a military conflict among India and Pakistan on the off chance that the infractions had been viewed in a serious way anytime in the past 10 years.
This study subtleties violations of human rights committed in Indian-controlled Kashmir by Muslim militants battling for freedom, a large number of whom are said to have gotten preparing from Pakistan. It reports mishandles that happened in the Kashmir valley in late 1998, in view of top to bottom meetings with locals and government authorities did during a mission in October 1998. It centers around the boundary regions in southern Kashmir that have become huge new areas of conflict starting around 1996. We will probably reveal some insight into the idea of the war, the manners by which its geographic accentuation has changed beginning around 1996, the parts of the long-running political and te
itorial dispute that are turning out to be increasingly public, and the means that all gatherings engaged with the conflict ought to require to prevent maltreatments from happening. It is much more critical that the international community ensure these means are finished considering the battling's heightening.
As well as representing a danger of war among India and Pakistan, the Kashmir dispute has
ought about grave human rights mishandles, including assault, torment, and synopsis executions on the two sides. Indian security powers have involved e
atic captures and aggregate disciplines of entire networks trying to lessen support for favorable to autonomy rebels. These actions have simply promoted estrange India. Common faculty and potential sources have been snatched and killed by the extremists. These means, along with the way that countless te
orists are entering India from Pakistan, have fortified India's determination to utilize all suitable strategies to destroy the security risk. Truth be told, a sizable separation of fear based oppressor fighters from Pakistan-controlled Kashmir had barged in into uneven regions north of Kargil and Dras, provoking the Indian airstrikes that began in May.
This study reports an example of aggressor activity that incorporates the invasion. Beginning around 1996, aggressor associations have zeroed in their endeavors on holding onto critical areas along Kashmir's far northern and southern lines, like the regions of Rajouri, Punch, and Doda, while Indian troops have acquired the high ground in the valley's principal u
an communities and villages. Most of the militants during the beginning phases of the conflict came from the Kashmir valley. They were doing combating for Pakistan's help with their battles for Pakistani liberation and freedom from India. Starting around 1996, most of aggressor bunches in these boundary regions have been comprised of Pakistani Kashmiris who support the autonomy development or Pakistanis from different pieces of the country who have been attracted to the conflict for philosophical reasons, regardless of the way that assailant bunches in Kashmir keep on enlisting from the local population. Despite the fact that they could convince Kashmiri people from the area to go along with them, the associations much of the time incorporate of Afghans and other unfamiliar fighters without a presence nea
y. A critical increase in the battling is demonstrated by the way that a sizable part of these powers have set up a good foundation for themselves in the high mountains near the Indian side of the Line of Control, the truce line.
The moving military parts of the conflict are the reason for the geographic development from the Kashmir valley to the line locales. The positions of the extremist associations dynamic in Kashmir have been totally obliterated by Indian powers. In 1994, the psychological oppressor bunch that was accepted to have the best open help among Kashmiris, the Jammu and Kashmir Freedom Front, pulled out from the furnished conflict. The remainder groups, most of which keep up serious areas of strength for with Pakistan, have for the most part been compelled to move to the more disengaged hilly locales of Doda and adjoining southern regions. From these difficult landscapes, they start attacks on Indian security troops and close by individuals. From 1997 to the center of 1999, these packs butchered right around 300 individuals. This report contains documentation of a portion of the cases. Two assailant associations, Harakat-ul Ansar and Lashgar-I Toiba, are known to work in the district and both contain non-Kashmiris in their positions, regardless of the way that no gathering has assumed acknowledgment for any of those abominations. Despite the fact that the quantity of purported outsiders working in Kashmir beyond the Kargil district is two or three hundred, they address a hazardous improvement in the conflict since they act fiercely without respect for the shock that their activities incite in both Hindu and Muslim Kashmiris. They likewise need responsibility to the local population.
In reprisal, the Indian armed force has gone after Muslim people group in these areas, capturing young fellows, going after other relatives, and immediately killing thought te
orists. The te
ible techniques used are like those that were taken on in the Kashmir valley in the mid 1990s, when assault, pyromania, and a
itrary shootings and attacks impelled far reaching rage among the local people. The quantity of these boundless attacks on regular people has dropped in the valley as Indian powers have fortified their situation there, however it has filled in the southern line districts where the locals view them as an endeavor by Indian powers to fight back against the Muslim community in general. The issue has been aggravated by the military's enrollment of ex-servicemen to work in Village Safeguard Committees (VDCs), which support military tasks and are almost exclusively Hindu because of authentic reasons. A rising number of individuals in Doda and the boundary regions, where Hindus and Muslims make up practically equivalent populations, are concerned that pressures between the two gatherings could prompt a bigger strict viciousness.
Most of assailant associations in Kashmir have seen critical military misfortunes in different regions because of government strategies of immediately killing caught gue
illas and penetration and murder by "countermilitant" local armies made out of ex-gue
illas. Consequently, genuine military experiences among te
orists and state troops are moderately uncommon in Srinagar and different spots in the valley. Most of aggressor exercises in metropolitan regions are confined to marksman or quick in and out projectile attacks, as well as political figures, public authorities, and potential witnesses being killed.
Maltreatment by the military, bureaucratic paramilitary powers, and a recently shaped police force is widespread in the te
itory of Jammu and Kashmir, even after a regular citizen organization was chosen in September 1996, regardless of confirmations by the Indian government that "business as usual" had
ought there back. Furthermore, Indian troops continue preparing and furnishing countermilitant volunteer armies to scare locals and kill thought aggressor activists. Notwithstanding the way that a few assailant leaders appreciate
oad help, the general population is angry because of extortion and different monstrosities committed by the aggressor associations, as well as their powerlessness to overcome Indian troopers. In the mean time, the public's despondency and uneasiness are elevated by the Indian powers' ceaseless
utality and constraint. Albeit the outfitted revolt in Srinagar and other Kashmiri u
an areas has been for the most part smothered by India, the Kashmiris have not given it much help.
Indian fighters and the countermilitants have made an environment of constraint as they have taken increasingly more control of the u
an areas. Designated executions continue, in spite of the way that administration troops — who never again dread a snare — are not quite as combative as they were in the mid 1990s, when response shootings of individuals in thickly populated...

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