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I. Introduction II. Analytical Framework This essay will use the so called Troika Laundromat discovered by Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project as a case study to analyse the use of...

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I. Introduction
II. Analytical Framework
This essay will use the so called Troika Laundromat discovered by Organized Crime and Co
uption Reporting Project as a case study to analyse the use of offshore centres and shell companies as a means for money laundering and tax evasion and its impact on a domestic economy, in this case Russia. The essay will begin by detailing the incidence of the Russian Laundromat and how it has been used to avoid taxes and then proceed to analyse the role of offshore and shell companies and in facilitating the high degree of tax evasion and capital flight in Russia as well as its effect on the Russian economy.
III. Case Study: Russian Laundromat
In March 2019, it was disclosed through leaked banking records that Canada’s Bombardier Inc. was paid US$42.5-million over three transactions in 2008 by a company called Flashback Services Limited, a shell company, that received money from what is commonly known as the Russian Laundromat, a massive tax fraud scheme that resulted in the alleged murder of Sergey Magnitsky, who discovered it. The money received had not in fact been earned by Flashback Services, a shell company registered on the Birtish Virgin Islands, but in reality was loaned to it by other shell companies, including some involved in the 2007 tax fraud that led to Mr. Magnitsky’s death in a Russian prison.
The case at hand is useful case study for the “the opaque world of offshore companies. While the banking records show the names and addresses of the parties involved in each transaction, there’s no information about who really controls the shell companies themselves.” (Remiorz, XXXXXXXXXXA spokesman for Bombardier Business Aircraft, assured the comepltion of due diligence, arguing that no anomalies had been detected. He emphasized the routine use of holding companies in business as a means of managing transactions.
The transaction is question is closely linked to some other 1.5 million banking transactions which were found by the OCCRP to form part of a web of shell companies – the so-called “Troika Laundromat” − that used the Ukio Bankas, a bank based on Lithuania, to move billions of dollars into Western institutions as part of a sophisticated money-laundering operation. The name is derived from an investment bank called Troika Dialog, based in Moscow.
An initial transaction between the shell company and Bombardier occu
ed at the same time that the shell company was loaned an identical amount by Quantus Division Ltd., one of the central companies in the Troika network, and reportedly to be the central actor in the laundromat. Subsequently, two additional transactions between the two companies both occu
ed after payments from Quantus Division to Flashback Services, which at the same time obtained transfers from different shell companies associated with the Troika Laundromat. The leaked documents demonstrate that all of the money paid to Bombardier came the Lithuanian Bank Ukios Bankas, cu
ently being investigated for large-scale money laundering. (Remiorz, 2019)
Bombardier forms part of plenty of companies that have become participants in one of the largest and most sophisticated laundromats, a mechanism for “moving money that allow co
upt politicians, organized crime figures, and wealthy business people to secretly invest their ill-gotten millions, launder money, evade taxes, and fulfill other goals.” (OCCPR, 2019)
Key players in this scheme was a web of offshore companies that comprised the Laundromat as well as the Russian investment bank Troika Dialog, whose director denies any wrongdoing. The use of offshore companies, he said, “ are technical service companies of Troika Dialog clients, among them, mine.” “A similar practice still exists at foreign banks. Most of their clients work through international companies. I repeat: We always acted according to the rules of the world financial market of that time ….” (Radu, 2019)
Through the use of such offshore accounts the Laundromat was used for money-laundering it is also a major vehicle for wide spread tax evasion scheme. Thus, for instance the well-known Sheremetyevo Airport fuel fraud, which occu
ed between 2003 to 2008 was linked to the Laundromat. It fakely hiked the prices for aviation fuel, thereby avoiding to pay more than $40 million in taxes and increasing the price in plane tickets. Of these avoided taxes, more than $27 million was sent by companies involved in the fraud to Troika Laundromat accounts. (Radu, 2019)
IV. Analysis:
a. The Role of Shell Companies and Offshore Companies in Tax Avoidance
Komisar, L., “Profit Laundering and Tax Evasion, Dissent Magazine, available at https:
www.dissentmagazine.org/article/profit-laundering-and-tax-evasion (Last acccessed April 12th, 2019)
· Troika Laundromat as a useful example to highlight the role of shell companies and offshore centres for tax evasion. Useful both for corporations and individuals.
· System rests on the existing seventy “offshore” centers-tax havens, which include the Bermudas, British Virgin Islands or Cyprus. Here, so called shell companies which hide ownership and bank accounts are used to ca
y out transactions that create paper profits and losses, and where the legerdemain is immune from the eyes of tax authorities and law enforcement. Shells often have no function other than to hold the assets of corporations or individuals.
· About three million shell companies exist that hold a significant amount of global wealth. “The Global Wealth Report” for 2003 by the Boston Consulting Group (BCG) estimated the total holdings of cash deposits and listed securities of high-net-worth individuals at $38 trillion and then
oke that down by North America-$16.2 trillion, of which less than 10 percent was controlled offshore; Europe-$10.3 trillion of which between 20 percent to 30 percent was controlled offshore; Middle East and Asia-Pacific area-$10.2 trillion, with assets controlled offshore ranging from 10 percent (Japan) to 70 percent (ME); and Latin America-$1.3 trillion, of which more than 50 percent is held offshore. according to Me
ill Lynch and BCG estimates, assets held in tax havens, beyond the reach of effective taxation, would equal one-third of total global gross domestic product, the value of goods and services, which in 2003 was $36.2 trillion.
·
· 50% of the world’s trade goes through offshore centers, as corporations shift profits to where they can avoid taxes. Companies set up offshore “subsidiaries” that, on their books, perform functions that allow the firms to cut their taxes. (need to paraphase these as they are bullet points taken from the article)
Dizik, A., “Saudi and Russian residents have among the most offshore assets”, Chicago Booth Review, available at http:
eview.chicagobooth.edu/economics/2017/article/saudi-and-russian-residents-have-among-most-offshore-assets (last accessed April 12th, 2019)
· Shell companies play a crucial role in facilitating capital flight from Russia. As much as 60 percent of GDP in Russia is held a
oad, according to research by Annette Alstadsæter of the Norwegian University of Life Sciences, Niels Johannesen of the University of Copenhagen, and University of California at Berkeley’s Ga
iel Zucman. (Dizik, 2017)
· amount of global wealth being kept offshore has risen in the past four decades. “Among countries with a large stock of offshore assets, one finds autocracies (Saudi Arabia, Russia) and countries with a recent history of autocratic rule (Argentina, Greece) alongside old democracies (United Kingdom, France).
· offshore wealth is also more concentrated at the top. While the top 0.01 percent of households hold 50 percent of all offshore wealth, the top 0.1 percent of households own 80 percent of all offshore wealth.
· Offshore financial wealth have tax revenue implications. The majority of offshore wealth is undeclared, and even when it is declared, it is often not taxed, because of the way the wealth is structured. (Annette Alstadsæter, Niels Johannesen, and Ga
iel Zucman, “Tax Evasion and Inequality,” Working paper, September 2017)
Offshore and Shell Companies facilitate Capital Flight
· As Buiter and Szegvari XXXXXXXXXXnote, some of what is termed capital flight is a rational reallocation of capital from the home country to other countries in response to more favorable risk-return opportunities a
oad and to investors' desire for portfolio diversification. At the other end of the spectrum is money laundering, transactions that hide the illegal origin of the funds and convert them into legal income (Reuter and Truman 2004; Perez et al.)
· money laundering involves illegality in two ways. First, the money to be laundered is often earned though illegal activity such as prostitution, drug distribution,
ibe taking, etc. Second, the money is then moved a
oad, possibly in contravention of capital or cu
ency controls, to hide its criminal origin and possibly to evade taxes. Falling somewhere in the middle in terms of legality are transactions that involve income that may be legally earned, but, because the home country has restrictions on capital outflows, investing such capital a
oad effectively criminalizes the movement of money offshore.
· Russia has a consistently high level of capital flight (Brada, 2011)
. Consequences for the Russian Economy
· Laundromats, especially if taken to the extent of the Troika Laundromat, bear severe consequences for domestic economies, in this case Russia. “The schemes stunt national economic development, undermine human security, and diminish the quality of life for people left behind”. (Radu, XXXXXXXXXXThis leads to the loss of capital which could otherwise be used for infrastructure development, education, health, [and] the development of new businesses, of entrepreneurship
· Indeed, in the context of Russia, the country has lost £22 billion annually in tax avoidance plans and another £33 billion illegally flowed to the country in 2012. Central Bank Governor Sergei Ignatiev said the "shadow operation" to transfer funds a
oad is equivalent to approximately 2.5% of Russia's annual GDP.
· "This may be the payment of medicines or other goods fo
idden to enter the Russian te
itory. It can be illegally imported payment
ibes and commissions from civil servants, "he said. Ignatiev resigns in June (Amos, XXXXXXXXXXHe said that about 50% of illegal transfers could be traced back to the organization and refused to disclose them. More than half of these shadow operations are ca
ied out by companies that are indirectly or directly linked through payment. Create the impression that they are all controlled by a well-organized individual. Ignatiev said that false "one-day" companies, some of which are registered at remote addresses to unsuspecting people, are often involved in illegal transactions. People who use a Russian company called odnodnevniki will not pay taxes at the municipal, regional or federal level.
· "Odnodnevniki is just the disaster of our economy," he said. He added that 3.9 million companies are registered with the Federal Tax Administration, but only 1 million are real organizations. Even among 2 million people, about 12% pay no taxes at all, and 5-7% pays only the nominal amount of tax. Deputy Prime Minister Igor is responsible for a serious decline in tax revenues. "Look at the data of the central bank: given the rapid development
Answered Same Day Mar 18, 2021

Solution

Kuldeep answered on Mar 22 2021
147 Votes
Tax
Tax avoidance
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Contents
I.    Introduction    3
II.    Analytical Framework    3
III.    Case Study: Russian Laundromat    4
IV.    Analysis    5
V.    Conclusion    14
VI. References    16
I. Introduction
Tax avoidance is defined as the illegal act of an individual, organization or company deliberately avoiding the payment of true tax liability. Those who avoid taxes are often subjected as criminals and criminal charges as well as major penalties charged on them. Today, with the growth in the development of Russia's finance and economy, tax avoidance work has increased year by year. In this world, tax avoidance is by no means moral (Ilic-Popov, 2016). Every century it is illegal. Companies and individuals are responsible for paying the government any taxes required by the state. Even if Russian residents always complain about the price along with tax levels, there is no extreme taxation. On the other hand, tax avoidance is a normal phenomenon in this century. There are few opinions on the reasons for the tax evasion of large Russian companies. First, although the tax reform has improved year by year, there are still loopholes in the Russian tax system. Therefore, companies can bypass the law to avoid taxation. Vulnerabilities have led to an increase in the shadow economy.
II. Analytical Framework
This essay discusses the extent to which Russian tax avoidance affects the economy. This essay will include a case study which is related with how tax avoidance in Russia affects its economy. The essay will begin by detailing that tax avoidance is a ubiquitous global phenomenon. However, it is
oadly believed that extreme personal income tax rate is part of the reason for high tax avoidance in various places, particularly in the emerging markets (Mironov, 2010). High-level personal income tax rates most of the time has an impact on the actual negative impact of the overall economy. In fact, the high level of elasticity in tax rates and taxable income that are usually reported in the public finance literature means that there is a considerable deadweight loss in the case of high personal income-tax rates. Given these factors, it is not surprising that global trends that have gradually reduced the level and progressiveness of personal income tax rates have occu
ed over the past two decades. In recent times, few countries have taken even more fundamental measures in a similar direction.
III. Case Study: Russian Laundromat
“Russian Laundry” (a term coined by the OCCRP team of journalists, found it) is a complex program that runs between 2010 and 2014 and washes up to $80 billion from Russia. It is based on false debts between criminals and co
upt government officials who want to send money to jurisdictions. The debt between these companies was certified by Moldovan judges, so that all transfers were supported by the orders of the European Court of Justice and appeared to be particularly “clean”. It might be the biggest tax evasion movement in Eastern Europe - virtual clothing worked by banks and organizations associated with the influential individuals of the district. From 2010 to mid 2014, Russian sorted out offenders and degenerate government officials
ought $20 billion up in messy assets through the perplexing purifying and turn cycle of the Laundromat, which was finished by many seaward organizations, banks, and phony advances. This procedure was then confirmed as spotless by the judges of the Republic of Moldova. At that point, the recently cleared assets are all over European Law requirement and investigators in Moldova are presently exploring the framework. "Numerous judges and agents might be in jail. The Organized Crime and Co
uption Reporting Project (OCCRP) has uncovered the techniques and accomplices to run the clothing through the intricacy of the framework.
Cleaning cycle
The laundry is designed to create the illusion of business activities to explain the source of the cu
ency, supported by the court, which signed the transaction to legalize it. However, these companies are phantom companies that block real owners (Ganguli, and Chaturvedi, M, 2012). Typical transactions start with two companies, usually located in the UK, whose real ownership is concealed in the fog of overseas in tax havens. These companies signed a false contract, and one of them agreed to lend other large sums of money, despite the fact that there was no money to change hands. OCCRP's reporter met Valeriu Gisca in a parking lot next to the Moldovan government building, one of the judges who issued five judgments for the laundry. He is dressed in casual clothes and is wearing a black SUV to attend the meeting. His ruling proves that before the resignation in 2012, Russia’s offshore company accounts were no less than $2.1 billion. According to SCM, Gisca filed a resignation request on November 22, 2012 on the grounds of health. On December 18th, Gisc released the final laundry judgment for $500 million, and he was dismissed three days later. . Gisca is now a lawyer who said that the rulings follow the law and do not harm Moldova’s financial system or any bank, affecting only one citizen.
IV. Analysis
a. Offshore Companies in Tax Avoidance
The shaded economy is quite na
ow and it does not require to consider the results and insights of other sciences and hard to manage or control. As a shadow economy climbed, it attracted an original tax system moreover created the competition for the official companies (Nevzorova, Kireenko, and Sklyarov, 2017). Moreover, because of the loopholes in a tax system, a wide range of income transfers often occur in multinational corporations. Multinational companies and offshore firms have illicit markets and unfair competitive advantages. Vulnerability in a tax system permits overseas and offshore companies to avoid financing acquisitions, divesting companies and markets. These effects affect all tax systems, supply and value chains. Offshore economies often exist. Through the offshore economy, many transactions are successful. More importantly, entrepreneurial co
uption and government deprivation of the private resources undermine the balance along with interaction between taxation and investment. A political structure never has been an effectual tool for the original tax system. As a result, the tax system loopholes continue to expand. In addition, local tax avoidance relies more on the tax system legalization. The company uses tax differences between different regions and tax systems to transfer the profits to just avoid tax. Russian companies use companies, trusts and partnerships to shelter income or assets (WARNER, 2005).
Although Russia's single tax reform has generated a lot of interest, so far it has hardly provided conclusive evidence of its impact on tax avoidance or real economics. In a recent study, experts believe that single tax reform can help reduce Russian tax avoidance and, to a specific extent, more financial revenues in the year 2001 moreover years may be related to increased and extreme level voluntary tax reporting and compliance. Although less than tax avoidance affects the impact on the actual productivity of the economy is positive. Since income unde
eporting cannot be observed by definition, reported consumption, as well as income data, is used to infer the tax evasion. Under a permanent income assumption, cu
ent consumption must equal the share of the permanent income. Simply assuming that consumer spending is adequately reported, the difference between the consumption as well as income, there is a need to call consumption-income gaps and indicates that the household unde
eports part of its income. A long series of different checks were conducted to verify or to determine that consumption-income gaps were indicators of the tax avoidance moreover that consumption-income gap was reliable with the usual tax avoidance determinants (Weerasekera, 2018).
Since Russia's reforms only reduced the marginal tax rate of some people, we used to time changes plus taxpayers to determine furthermore estimate the effect of unified interest rate income tax reorganization. It has been found out that the household-income-income gap in households with declining marginal tax rates has decreased by 9% to 12%, while other conditions remain unchanged (Nevzorova, Kireenko, and Sklyarov, 2017). That is to say, the most important reduction in the tax evasion is that taxpayers reduce the tax rate when implementing a single tax. It has also been found that the reduction in tax evasion may be due to changes in the voluntary compliance, rather than the tax administration's increased enforcement (Hellevig, 2015). On the contrary, the productivity outcomes measured by a relative increase in household consumption at a lower tax rate...
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