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Globalizations
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Religion and Globalisation: Bringing Anthropology
and International Relations Together in the Study
of Religious-Political Transnational Movements
Tamsin Bradley
To cite this article: Tamsin Bradley XXXXXXXXXXReligion and Globalisation: Bringing Anthropology
and International Relations Together in the Study of Religious-Political Transnational Movements,
Globalizations, 6:2, XXXXXXXXXX, DOI: XXXXXXXXXX/ XXXXXXXXXX
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Published online: 26 Jun 2009.
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Religion and Globalisation: Bringing Anthropology and
International Relations Together in the Study
of Religious-Political Transnational Movements
TAMSIN BRADLEY
London Metropolitan University
ABSTRACT This article considers how anthropology could stake more of a contribution to the
field of religion and globalisation. Anthropology presents itself as a critique of powe
highlighting how it operates through globalisation to marginalise groups at the local level.
Anthropologists consider religion to be a source of identify. Rituals are given importance in
anthropological research as vehicles through which adherents express feelings of exclusion
and make sense of the world around them. Also, it is within ritual spaces that adherents
decide how to respond to o
and act in the world. Both anthropology and international
elations view transnational religious-political movements as one way in which adherents
esist and challenge aspects of globalisation. Combining these disciplines could provide a
more comprehensive analysis into what motivates individuals to join a movement. In turn this
esearch could provide more evidence and explanation for religion’s rootedness in the world.
Este artı́culo considera cómo la antropologı́a podrı́a tomar una mayor contribución en el campo
de la religión y la globalización. La antropologı́a se presenta como una crı́tica de poder,
destacando cómo opera a través de la globalización para marginar a los grupos a un nivel
local. Los antropólogos consideran la religión como una fuente de identificación. En la
investigación antropológica se les da importancia a los ritos como vehı́culos por los cuales
los seguidores expresan sus sentimientos o la exclusión y les da sentido del mundo alrededo
de ellos. Es también, en donde los seguidores dentro de los espacios rituales deciden cómo
esponder y actuar en el mundo. Tanto la antropologı́a como las relaciones internacionales
ven a los movimientos trasnacionales religiosos-polı́ticos como una manera en la que los
seguidores se resisten a los aspectos de desafı́o de la globalización. Una combinación de
estas disciplinas podrı́a proporcionar un análisis más exhaustivo dentro de lo que motiva a
los individuos para participar en un movimiento. A su vez, esta investigación podrı́a da
mayor evidencia y explicación so
e el a
aigo de las religiones en el mundo.
Co
espondence Address: Tamsin Bradley, Department of Applied Social Sciences, London Metropolitan University,
Calcutta House, Old Castle St., E1 7TP, UK. Email: t.
XXXXXXXXXX
ISSN XXXXXXXXXXPrint/ISSN 1474-774X Online/09/020265–15 # 2009 Taylor & Francis
DOI: XXXXXXXXXX/ XXXXXXXXXX
Globalizations
June 2009, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 265–279
Keywords: Religion, anthropology, international relations, trans-national political movements,
ethnography, rituals
Introduction
The central aim of this article is to show that inclusion of the anthropological perspective
alongside other micro approaches has more of a contribution, than cu
ently realised, to
ing
to international relations’ global analysis of religious-political transnational movements. This
article acknowledges from the outset the enormous contributions made to micro analysis of
globalisation from within other social science disciplines. Most notably sociology and the
study of religion have been engaging with globalisation for some time. Beyer’s XXXXXXXXXXwork
is much cited in discussions on religion and globalisation. Sociologists seek to understand the
intersections between globalisation and religion. How each has impacted on the creation of
new boundaries that in turn impact on new patterns of social formation and relationships
(Beyer & Beaman, 2007; Hopkins, Lorentzen & Mendieta, 2002; Tehranian & Lum, 2006).
Scholars from within the study of religion often take a comparative approach examining the
impact of globalisation on religious traditions. Cross-culturally this research includes consider-
ation of religion’s role in peacekeeping efforts (Hopkins, Lorentzen & Mendieta, XXXXXXXXXXAlter-
natively scholars will focus on a particular tradition often combing history, sociology, and
eligion to document the rise of social, political movements within that religion (Coleman,
2000; Wa
urg, Hvithamar & Wasmind, XXXXXXXXXXSociologists of religion have also paid close
attention to the impact of globalisation on issues of gender and religion (Elliott, 2007).
By contrast anthropology has been relatively slow to stake ground in this important contem-
porary area of research. This article aims to illustrate the contribution the anthropological lens
can
ing to work on religion and globalisation. The article will focus on developing a partner-
ship between the macro discipline of international relations and anthropology. Anthropologists
make a valuable contribution to research on religion and globalisation because they commonly
study communities and cultures that display a strong religious identity. This focus contrasts
against international relations (IR) scholars whose focus is at the level of macro relations.
The inclusion of religion into the frame of IR research is limited largely to the study of religion
as a global force founding political-religious transnational movements. Anthropologists’ present
eligion not as exceptional phenomena but as one deeply embedded in the lives of the people
they study. Religion as a category in ethnographic research is used to understand the way in
which religion is lived and experienced daily by people. This article closely examines how
eligion is studied by anthropologists and shows the value of this work for IR scholars.
I believe a dialogue between anthropologists and IR scholars could forge an interesting and
useful analytical frame because micro analysis conducted by anthropologists could fill some
266 T. Bradley
of the gaps left by the macro focused work of IR scholars. Firstly, IR scholars who engage with
eligion recognise it as a permanent global force but find it hard to say ‘why’ this might be.
Macro focused work is insightful in mapping and commentating on global patterns and
elations but answering ‘why’ these patterns
elations form needs micro research. Ethno-
graphic research conducted by anthropologists of religion could contribute more to the
venture of other social sciences that seeks to produce answers to global questions from
within the micro areas of people’s lives. Anthropologists argue that religion is fundamental
in shaping how adherents relate to and understand the world. It is this link between belief
and behaviour that is the primary focus for anthropologists. Anthropology is essentially the
study of human behaviour. Ethnographic research looks to document how people relate to
their world and how they respond to internal and external changes. Religion has been a
popular category of analysis for anthropologists because it is within sacred, ritual spaces that
adherents often seek answers to their problems and concerns. Furthermore, for those who
possess a strong faith, religion is a vital aspect of their identity, one they seek to project in
all spheres of their lives. The embeddedness of religion in the lives of adherents explains its
endurance as a global force. If IR scholars were to look into anthropology of religion thei
macro analysis could produce more answers to the question: why has religion not been replaced
y secularism?
The second question a dual IR/anthropological perspective could provide more answers to is:
why is religion so prominent in the construction and rise of political transnational movements?
The personal, emotional dimension of religious actions and spaces allow those that study them to
identify feelings and experiences that may turn into clear defiant actions. Those who study trans-
national movements recognise that the motivation for individual membership is likely to relate to
their religious identity and life experiences. Religion functions in two ways; firstly the growth of
a movement is linked to the construction of a religious identity that reflects and empathises with
the experiences of its members. This identity may involve the manipulation of history and/o
einterpretation of religious discourses in order to package itself in a manner that resonates
with adherents. Secondly, religion operates at a private personal level. Sacred spaces create a
safe environment within which an adherent can communicate with the divine. Personal feelings
are expressed here that may not be articulated in any other sphere of life and actions determined.
Pratt XXXXXXXXXXtakes an anthropological approach showing how political movements begin with the
formation of a specific discourse that becomes emotionally charged drawing in a bigger mem-
ership. Religion provides emotional and spiritual dimensions to adherents’ lives. The use of
eligious na
atives to tap into these personal experiences provides a strong base from which
political identities and movements can be built. However, this process of building authoritative
na
atives about the world also acts to exclude groups. For example, anthropologists who
employ a gendered perspective show how women are particularly vulnerable to marginalisation
within political and social movements (Alvarez, Dagnino & Escobar, 1998; Leach & Scoones,
2007; Meyer & Staggenborg, XXXXXXXXXXThis process of exclusion as well as inclusion is central
to how religion is enacted, interpreted and lived. It highlights the need to view religion and
power as inextricably linked. Na
atives change as the world they try and make sense of
alters. Since transnational movements are founded on na
atives about how the world is and
how it should be, it is likely that religion will unite those who share the na
ative but will
exclude those who do not or only partially see their experiences in it. Anthropological material
on the liberation theology and Hindu nationalist movements shows that this process of margin-
alisation also occurs within movements isolating those members that may at the start support the
na
ative but later find their needs are not being met.
Religion and Globalisation 267
Anthropology has a further contribution to make to IR. According to Bentham XXXXXXXXXXand
Edelman and Haugerud XXXXXXXXXXthe anthropological critique of power should be incorporated
more widely into discussion on globalisation. Anthropologists, as shown in the literature cited
above on gender and transnational movements, use their micro focus to seek out voices that
are usually hidden from view and audibility by macro focused studies. This perspective high-
lights how global processes produce marginalising effects at the local level. It also reveals
how people display resourcefulness in how they respond to repressive situations. For adherents,
eligion is an important part of the process by which they make sense of change and decide on
the best course of action.
In short, this article will argue that IR scholars should em
ace the critique anthropologists
apply in analysing global power relations raising the profile of marginalised voices. A dialogue
etween IR scholars and anthropologists could also produce a dual application of the category
‘religion’, one that recognises the collective and personal ways non-Western adherents turn to
eligion to make sense of their world.
This article begins by reviewing IR literature on religious-political transnational movements.
The critical analysis of this material acknowledges the important contribution it makes whilst
also highlighting the understandable gaps/questions left unanswered by