In-Text Citation #4
Goals
• Practice using information from two sources in the same paragraph.
• Practice using the direct quotes of two sources in the same paragraph.
• Synthesize information from a source.
• Understand the role of direct quotation use in a document.
• Apply co
ect standard MLA formatting when using in-text citations.
Directions:
1. Read two articles from your textbook Cu
ent Issues and Enduring
Questions: “The New Nationwide Crime Wave” PDF by Heather MacDonald
on page 495 and “No ‘Ferguson Effect’” by the Baltimore Sun Editorial
Board (Links to an external site.) on page 500, or "No 'Ferguson Effect'" PDF
(Articles are attached on next pages)
1. Create ONE paragraph that discusses the content of both articles. You can
organize each paragraph however you choose.
2. In each paragraph, make sure you integrate at least 2 direct quotes from each
author. You should have a total of at least 4 direct quotes in all.
3. Formally introduce both articles when you first begin using them: article title
(in quotes), the author’s name, and where it was published (in italics).
4. Make it very clear which of the two authors are speaking and what portion of
the sentence is from them by placing it in quotes and refe
ing to the author’s
name.
5. Provide in-text citations at the end of sentences with direct quotes.
https:
yccd.instructure.com/courses/27459/files/3742675?wrap=1
https:
www.baltimoresun.com/opinion/editorial
s-ed-comey-police XXXXXXXXXXstory.html
https:
www.baltimoresun.com/opinion/editorial
s-ed-comey-police XXXXXXXXXXstory.html
https:
yccd.instructure.com/courses/27459/files/3742621?wrap=1
“The New Nationwide Crime Wave”
The Wall Street Journal
Heather MacDonald
May 29, 2015
The nation’s two-decades-long crime decline may be over. Gun violence in particular is spiraling
upward in cities across America. In Baltimore, the most pressing question every morning is how
many people were shot the previous night. Gun violence is up more than 60% compared with
this time last year, according to Baltimore police, with 32 shootings over Memorial Day
weekend. May has been the most violent month the city has seen in 15 years.
In Milwaukee, homicides were up 180% by May 17 over the same period the previous year.
Through April, shootings in St. Louis were up 39%, ro
eries 43%, and homicides 25%. “Crime
is the worst I’ve ever seen it,” said St. Louis Alderman Joe Vaca
o at a May 7 City Hall hearing.
Murders in Atlanta were up 32% as of mid-May. Shootings in Chicago had increased 24% and
homicides 17%. Shootings and other violent felonies in Los Angeles had spiked by 25%; in New
York, murder was up nearly 13%, and gun violence 7%.
Those citywide statistics from law-enforcement officials mask even more startling
neighborhood-level increases. Shooting incidents are up 500% in an East Harlem precinct
compared with last year; in a South Central Los Angeles police division, shooting victims are up
100%.
By contrast, the first six months of 2014 continued a 20-year pattern of growing public safety.
Violent crime in the first half of last year dropped 4.6% nationally and property crime was down
7.5%. Though comparable national figures for the first half of 2015 won’t be available for
another year, the January through June 2014 crime decline is unlikely to be repeated.
The most plausible explanation of the cu
ent surge in lawlessness is the intense agitation
against
American police departments over the past nine months.
Since last summer, the airwaves have been dominated by suggestions that the police are the
iggest threat facing young black males today. A handful of highly publicized deaths of unarmed
lack men, often following a resisted a
est—including Eric Garner in Staten Island, N.Y., in
July 2014, Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., in August 2014 and Freddie Gray in Baltimore last
month—have led to riots, violent protests and attacks on the police. Murders of officers
jumped
89% in 2014, to 51 from 27.
President Obama and Attorney General Eric Holder, before he stepped down last month,
em
aced the conceit that law enforcement in black communities is infected by bias. The news
media pump out a seemingly constant stream of stories about alleged police mistreatment of
lacks, with the reports often buttressed by cellphone videos that rarely capture the behavior
that
caused an officer to use force.
Almost any police shooting of a black person, no matter how threatening the behavior that
provoked the shooting, now provokes angry protests, like those that followed the death of
Vonde
it Myers in St. Louis last October. The 18-year-old Myers, awaiting trial on gun and
esisting-a
est charges, had fired three shots at an officer at close range. A
ests in black
communities are even more fraught than usual, with hostile, jeering crowds pressing in on
officers and spreading lies about the encounter.
Acquittals of police officers for the use of deadly force against black suspects are now
automatically presented as a misca
iage of justice. Proposals aimed at producing more cop
convictions abound, but New York state seems especially enthusiastic about the idea.
The state’s attorney general, Eric Schneiderman, wants to create a special state prosecutor
dedicated solely to prosecuting cops who use lethal force. New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo
would appoint an independent monitor whenever a grand jury fails to indict an officer for
homicide and there are “doubts” about the fairness of the proceeding (read: in every instance
of a
non-indictment); the governor could then turn over the case to a special prosecutor for a
second
grand jury proceeding.
This incessant drumbeat against the police has resulted in what St. Louis police chief Sam
Dotson last November called the “Ferguson effect.” Cops are disengaging from discretionary
enforcement activity and the “criminal element is feeling empowered,” Mr. Dotson reported.
A
ests in St. Louis city and county by that point had dropped a third since the shooting of
Michael Brown in August. Not surprisingly, homicides in the city surged 47% by early
November and ro
eries in the county were up 82%.
Similar “Ferguson effects” are happening across the country as officers scale back on proactive
policing under the onslaught of anti-cop rhetoric. A
ests in Baltimore were down 56% in May
compared with 2014.
“Any cop who uses his gun now has to wo
y about being indicted and losing his job and
family,” a New York City officer tells me. “Everything has the potential to be recorded. A lot of
cops feel that the climate for the next couple of years is going to be nonstop protests.”
Police officers now second-guess themselves about the use of force. “Officers are trying to
invent techniques on the spot for taking down resistant suspects that don’t look as bad as the
techniques taught in the academy,” says Jim Dudley, who recently retired as deputy police chief
in San Francisco. Officers complain that civilians don’t understand how hard it is to control
someone resisting a
est.
A New York City cop tells me that he was amazed to hear people scoffing that Ferguson police
officer Da
en Wilson, who killed Michael Brown, only looked a “little red” after Brown
assaulted him and tried to grab his weapon: “Does an officer need to be unconscious before he
can use force? If someone is willing to fight you, he’s also willing to take your gun and shoot
you. You can’t lose a fight with a guy who has already put his hands on you because if you do,
you will likely end up dead.”
Milwaukee Police Chief Edward A. Flynn, discussing hostility toward the police, told me in an
interview on Friday: “I’ve never seen anything like it. I’m guessing it will take five years to
ecover.”
Even if officer morale were to miraculously rebound, policies are being put into place that will
make it harder to keep crime down in the future. Those initiatives reflect the belief that any
criminal-justice action that has a disparate impact on blacks is racially motivated.
In New York, pedestrian stops—when the police question and sometimes frisk individuals
engaged in suspicious behavior—have dropped nearly 95% from their 2011 high, thanks to
litigation charging that the NYPD’s stop, question and frisk practices were racially biased. A
judge agreed, and New York Mayor Bill de Blasio, upon taking office last year, did too,
em
acing the resulting judicial monitoring of the police department. It is no surprise that
shootings are up in the city.
Politicians and activists in New York and other cities have now taken aim at “
oken windows”
policing. This police strategy has shown remarkable success over the past two decades by
targeting low-level public-order offenses, reducing the air of lawlessness in rough
neighborhoods
and getting criminals off the streets before they commit bigger crimes. Opponents of
oken-
windows policing somehow fail to notice that law-abiding residents of poor communities are
among the strongest advocates for enforcing laws against public drinking, trespassing, drug
sales
and drug use, among other public-order laws.
As attorney general, Eric Holder pressed the cause of ending “mass incarceration” on racial
grounds; elected officials across the political spectrum have jumped on board. A 2014 California
voter initiative has retroactively downgraded a range of property and drug felonies to
misdemeanors, including forcible theft of guns, purses and laptops. More than 3,000 felons
have
already been released from California prisons, according to the Association of Deputy District
Attorneys in Los Angeles County. Burglary, larceny and car theft have surged in the county, the
association reports.
“There are no real consequences for committing property crimes anymore,” Los Angeles Police
Lt. Armando Munoz told Downtown News earlier this month, “and the criminals know this.”
The Milwaukee district attorney, John Chisholm, is diverting many property and drug criminals
to rehabilitation programs to reduce the number of blacks in Wisconsin prisons; critics see the
ise in Milwaukee